This article traces the trajectory of Buddhism in the ancient Indian city of Meerut and its surrounding region from the Ashokan period (c. 268 BCE - 232 BCE) to the reign of Harsha (c. 606-647 CE). The central artifact of this study is the Ashokan Pillar, originally erected in Meerut, which serves as the primary physical evidence of the region's integration into the Mauryan empire and its early exposure to the Buddhist Dhamma. In the millennium separating Ashoka and Harsha, the political landscape of northern India underwent dramatic shifts, dominated successively by regional post-Mauryan polities like the Shungas and Kanvas, followed by the foreign and indigenous syntheses of the Indo-Greeks, Northern Kshatrapas, the Kushan Empire, and the imperial Guptas.
The paper engages in a comparative analysis of the Meerut pillar edict with the Topra Pillar, the Major Rock Edicts at Kalsi, and the inscriptions at Bairat, arguing for a cohesive imperial policy that encompassed Meerut, while distinguishing between the public propagation of Dhamma and exclusive Buddhist patronage. Moving beyond the Mauryan era, the study gathers fragmentary archaeological and literary evidence to assess the continuity of Buddhist presence during the Kushan and Gupta periods. It also investigates the region's status within the empire of Harsha, a known patron of Buddhism, by critically examining the accounts of Chinese pilgrims and the political geography of the period.
By synthesizing epigraphic, archaeological, and historical sources—including a critical re-evaluation of early antiquarian surveys—this paper aims to reconstruct the enduring, though fluctuating, legacy of Buddhism in this strategically significant region of the Gangetic plain, filling a notable gap in the regional history of ancient India.
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION, SOURCES, AND METHODOLOGY
The Upper Ganga-Yamuna Doab—defined geographically as the northern section of the fertile alluvial interfluve lying between the Ganga and Yamuna rivers, stretching from the Shivalik foothills down to the cultural boundaries of Aligarh and Mathura—constituted one of the most dynamic religious and cultural landscapes of early North India. Modern administrative districts within this zone include Saharanpur, Shamli, Muzaffarnagar, Baghpat, Meerut, Ghaziabad, Hapur, Gautam Buddha Nagar, and Bulandshahar. This region encompassed present-day Meerut, Hastinapur, and adjoining cultural zones like Indraprastha (Delhi), Mathura, Ahichchhatra, Sankisa, Saharanpur, and Yamuna Nagar, making it a critical crossroads of early historic India. Its strategic location between two major river systems fostered a fertile corridor that supported dense settlements, agrarian surplus, and long-distance trade routes from the late Vedic period onward.
While popularly associated with the Mahabharata epic, the region's ancient history reveals a complex pattern of religious plurality, significantly anchored by the growth of Buddhism from the Mauryan period forward. This paper examines the Buddhist history of the Upper Doab, with a special focus on the presence and influence of Buddhism in the Meerut region, tracing its development from the earliest settlements to the reign of Harsha in the seventh century CE. It argues that the region functioned as a Buddhist cultural corridor, shaped by economic trade routes, pilgrimage circuits, and periodic royal patronage. Although direct archaeological markers of early Buddhism in Meerut are less prominent than at Mathura or Sankisa, cumulative literary, numismatic, epigraphic, and cultural evidence suggests the region participated meaningfully in broader Buddhist networks influenced by Mauryan, Kushan, Gupta, and Vardhana polities.
Key Questions
How can we contextualize Meerut within a wider Buddhist landscape, moving beyond the perception of it being overshadowed by Mathura? What were the nature and extent of administrative and cultural connections between the Meerut region and early Buddhist centres such as Bairat and Kalsi, especially during Ashoka’s reign? To what degree can we trace continuities in Buddhist presence from the Mauryan period up to the age of Harsha?
Temporal Scope and Methodological Approach
The period under review extends from pre-Mauryan urban settlements to the consolidation of Harsha's realm in the mid-7th century CE. Given the uneven distribution of material evidence, this study emphasizes connectivity over isolated sites. The methodological approach combines textual analysis, treating literary texts as cultural artefacts; archaeological synthesis, inferring patterns from regional excavations; historiographical review, engaging with both colonial and contemporary scholarship; and regional cultural mapping, understanding the Upper Doab as an integrated zone.
Source Analysis
Archaeological Sources: Excavations at key sites provide the foundational material context. B. B. Lal's work at Hastinapur reveals a stratigraphic sequence from Painted Grey Ware (PGW) to Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW), marking the transition to urbanism and interaction with the Ganga valley. Discoveries of post-Mauryan terracotta, seals, and brick structures suggest repeated reoccupation. Sites like Sankisa, with its Ashokan pillar fragments and monastic foundations, and Ahichchhatra, with its massive mound and Kushan-Gupta sculptures, confirm the region's role as a major religious centre. Smaller finds, such as punch-marked coins and terracotta figurines from the Meerut district, help fill gaps in the record. Since Meerut itself lacks a major monolithic monastic excavation, this study relies on a regional synthesis, using patterns from better-excavated sites to infer the cultural and religious context of adjoining areas.
Epigraphic Sources: The Ashokan pillar, originally erected in Meerut but now located on the Northern Ridge in Delhi, is the primary epigraphic marker of imperial patronage. Its presence alone suggests Meerut was a significant administrative and religious centre in the Mauryan network. This study explores its connections to the larger Ashokan landscape, particularly the rock edicts at Kalsi and the specifically Buddhist inscriptions at Bairat, to interpret the region's place within Mauryan religious policy. Later inscriptions from Mathura and Kaushambi provide indirect evidence for the continued religious life of the Doab.
Literary and Numismatic Sources: Buddhist and Jain canonical texts, while not strictly narrative historical documents, provide valuable geographical references and narrative motifs. The methodology treats them as sources for cultural and geographical history. Similarly, numismatic evidence—from punch-marked coins to Kushan and Gupta issues—serves as an indicator of commercial activity and political integration, with iconographic parallels from Mathura being particularly relevant.
Historiographical Synthesis: The works of early surveyors like Alexander Cunningham and A. Führer, combined with the foundational data from B. B. Lal and the interpretive frameworks of modern scholars like Romila Thapar and Upinder Singh, provide a layered understanding. This study balances these perspectives, aware of their differing assumptions and limitations. Führer's documentation of regional antiquities and his references to various mounds and structural remains serve as useful 19th-century antiquarian observations, though they require critical engagement and harmonization with contemporary archaeology.
Scope and Limitations
The geographical scope focuses on the Meerut region, including Hastinapur and surrounding districts like Baghpat, Muzaffarnagar, Bulandshahar, Hapur, and Saharanpur. The temporal scope spans from the pre-Mauryan era to 647 CE. The primary limitation remains the relative scarcity of excavated Buddhist sites within Meerut's modern city limits, necessitating a regional and connective approach across the Upper Doab.
CHAPTER 2: THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE UPPER DOAB
2.1 The Historical Landscape
The deep history of the Meerut region can be mapped through a succession of major historical periods, extending far beyond its Buddhist phase. During the Indus Valley Civilization era (c. 2600 – 1900 BCE), the region established its earliest farming and trading footprints, anchored by the significant easternmost settlement at Alamgirpur. Following this proto-historic urban phase, the region transitioned into the Vedic period and the rise of the Kuru Kingdom (c. 1200 – 500 BCE), emerging as a major political and epic centre with Hastinapur serving as the Kuru capital. By the 3rd century BCE, under the Mauryan Empire, the region was transformed into a vital hub for the propagation of Buddhism, marked by Emperor Ashoka’s erection of a major monolithic pillar in Meerut. The structural and institutional stability of the region continued through the 4th to 7th centuries CE under the Gupta and Vardhana Empires, thriving as a prominent administrative zone embedded within the prosperous Upper Gangetic trade routes. This long-term sequence eventually gave way to the early medieval period by the 11th century CE, when the Tomars asserted control, evidenced by Raja Hardatta of Bulandshahar constructing a massive defensive fort structure in the area.
Consequently, the ancient history of Meerut cannot be understood in isolation but must be viewed within a dynamic network of interconnected urban and religious centres across the Upper Doab and its periphery. Situated within a broad regional network, these sites formed a vibrant cultural and political corridor that facilitated the spread and patronage of Buddhism from the time of the Mahajanapadas through the age of Harsha.
The map above illustrates the vital overland artery of the Uttarapatha, tracking closely through the heart of the Upper Doab and connecting critical hubs. Key historical centres defining this network include:
Ahichchhatra: Served as the capital and nerve centre of the northern Panchal Mahajanapada. Significant for Buddhists, Jains, and Hindus alike, its prominence in the Buddhist milieu is confirmed by Xuan Zang's account of numerous monasteries and stupas—a claim substantiated by the excavations of Alexander Cunningham and A. Führer.
Sankisa: Held a unique position as one of the Eight Great Pilgrimage Sites (Athamahathanani), commemorating the Buddha's descent from heaven. This event holds an important place in Buddhist tradition and continues to attract global pilgrims. It was explored by Cunningham and documented by Xuanzang.
Kalsi: Home to a crucial set of Ashoka's Major Rock Edicts. This inscription site underscores the region's integration into the Mauryan administrative and ideological sphere, promoting the emperor's Dhamma.
Mathura: The capital of the Shurasena Mahajanapada, it evolved into a powerhouse of Buddhism. The Buddha himself visited here, and it later gave rise to the distinct Mathura school of art. B. B. Lal’s excavations in Hastinapur recovered coins issued in the name of ‘Sheshdatta’, a regional monarch belonging to the post-Mauryan Datta dynasty of Mathura ruling around the 1st century BCE. This numismatic overlap points to tight economic and administrative integration across the regional corridor.
Topra Kalan: Located in a dense cluster of significant sites northwest of the Yamuna River in the modern Yamuna Nagar district of Haryana. The Ashokan pillar originally located here stands as a testament to imperial reach. Like the Meerut Pillar, the Topra Pillar was moved to Delhi in the 14th century by Firoz Shah Tughlaq.
Sugh and Chaneti Stupa: Sugh, located near modern Jagadhri in Yamuna Nagar, was an urban centre visited and documented by Xuanzang. Nearby Chaneti features a rare, surviving 3rd-century BCE hemispherical brick stupa, providing tangible evidence of Mauryan-era construction.
Kamaspur: Located in the Sonipat region, it had the honour of the Buddha's personal presence. In ancient times it was known in Pali as Kammasadamma, where the crucial Maha Satipatthana Sutta was delivered by the Buddha to the inhabitants of the Kuru kingdom.
Assandh: Identified with the ancient Kuru capital of Asandivat in modern Karnal, it features a massive, towering Kushan-period brick stupa. Local memory and traditional legends link this monumental site to Asandhimitra, the revered chief queen of Emperor Ashoka, thereby providing a direct symbolic and political bridge to the Mauryan imperial court.
Behat: Situated in the Saharanpur district, this ancient site yielded substantial early historical Buddhist remains, including punch-marked coins, Kushan monetary issues, and structural traces of a monastic presence along the foothills.
This constellation of politically and religiously significant sites illustrates that Meerut was anchored in a landscape where royal authority, trade routes, and pilgrimage circuits continuously reinforced the presence and development of Buddhism for nearly a millennium.
2.2 Hastinapur
Hastinapur occupies a central place in the early historical and cultural geography of North India. Known from the Mahabharata as the capital of the Kuru kingdom, the site also gained archaeological significance as a major centre of the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) culture. One of the earliest Western references possibly connected with Hastinapur appears in Ptolemy’s Geographia (2nd century CE), where the city “Bastinora” is listed among the towns of northern India. Alexander Cunningham identified Bastinora with Hastinapur on linguistic and geographical grounds during his early surveys, remarking that the shifting of the Sanskrit 'H' to a soft labial or dental explosive in Greek transliteration was common among classical geographers.
Archaeological excavations conducted by B. B. Lal (1950–52) established a well-defined cultural sequence from the PGW phase to the early historic period. Lal documented a burnt and flood-silt layer at the end of the PGW occupation, interpreting it strictly as archaeological evidence of a natural disaster affecting the settlement without correlating it to a specific historical ruler. The excavations also yielded several inscribed punch-marked coins, including examples naming Sheshdatta, showing Hastinapur's participation in early historic numismatic networks.
In Buddhist tradition, the Kuru kingdom (encompassing Hastinapur and Meerut) is recognized as a significant ancient realm serving as the backdrop for narratives involving King Dhananjay. The Kuru kingdom is mentioned across several Jataka Tales, including the Kuru dhamma Jataka, the Maha Sutasoma Jataka, and the Vidhura Pandita Jataka. Although primarily remembered for its central role in Brahmanical traditions, early Buddhist narrative literature explicitly recognizes the city within its devotional geography. The Avadanashataka describes “the great city of Hastinapur in the land of the Kurus” as the home of the lay disciple Kaushik, a faithful supporter of the monks whom the Buddha noticed from afar and honoured. Similarly, the Divyavadana refers to Hastinapur as a prosperous urban centre where “the people honour the Dharma and offer support to the monks,” and as a city “filled with people devoted to charity and the practice of Dharma.” These passages indicate that Buddhist Sanskrit literature viewed Hastinapur as a city with an active lay Buddhist presence and as part of the broader, Dhamma-supporting landscape of northern India, even if it did not evolve into a massive monastic centre.
2.3 Uttarapatha
The historical importance of the Upper Ganga-Yamuna Doab stems directly from a unique combination of geographical features that fostered early settlement, economic surplus, and cultural exchange. The gentle gradients of the Indo-Gangetic plain result in meandering rivers that have, over millennia, deposited rich layers of silt, creating exceptionally fertile alluvial soils. The reliable yields from these floodplains generated a stable agrarian surplus. This surplus was a critical prerequisite for supporting non-agrarian populations, including the artisans, merchants, and religious ascetics that characterized the period of the second urbanization (c. 600–200 BCE).
The high ground of the doab provided a natural overland route known as the Uttarapatha (Northern Road). This network connected the political centres of the Middle Gangetic plain with the bustling trade hubs of the northwest (such as Taxila) and the prosperous ports of the western coast. The interplay of riverine and overland routes made the Upper Doab a nexus for the movement of goods, ideas, and people. The Sangha relied heavily on patronage from this prosperous urban and mercantile class. The very routes that facilitated trade became the pathways for the spread of Buddhist doctrine, linking the monasteries of the Upper Doab to a wider religious and cultural world.
CHAPTER 3: ASHOKA'S DHAMMA AND THE STRATEGIC PLACEMENT OF MEERUT
3.1 Imperial Integration
By the Mauryan period, the Upper Doab was firmly integrated into imperial administrative networks. It is highly probable that key communication lines linking Pataliputra to the northwest passed directly through the Meerut-Hastinapur zone. Early Buddhist texts mention the broader Kuru–Panchal region in the Anguttara Nikaya, and Mathura is featured in the Madhura Sutta. Later commentarial literature references monastic travels through this corridor, reinforcing its status as a connective tissue for the ascetic community.
Concurrently, the Jain tradition identifies Hastinapur as a premier sacred space. It is celebrated as the site where three of the twenty-four Tirthankaras—namely Shantinatha, Kunthunatha, and Aranatha—were born, underwent their renunciatory diksha, and established their early sovereignty as monarchs. This confirms that the region's cultural ecology was inherently open to doctrinal and ascetic plurality from a very early period. This context of religious diversity is crucial for understanding the environment into which Ashoka projected his imperial ideology.
3.2 The Delhi-Meerut Pillar and the Topra Comparative Context
Within this grand imperial tapestry, the city of Meerut occupies a vital position, evidenced by the silent testimony of the Delhi-Meerut Pillar. Originally erected in Meerut along a bustling state highway, this column was systematically documented in the mid-18th century by the Jesuit missionary and geographer Father Joseph Tiefenthaler, who was the first European to record its existence on the northern ridge of Delhi. It had been transported there in the 14th century by Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, who placed it at his hunting palace (Kushk-e-Shikar) to signify his own imperial continuity.
As seen in the image above, the column survives as a robust monolithic shaft despite suffering fragmentation from an accidental gunpowder explosion during the reign of Emperor Farrukhsiyar. To properly evaluate the technical, spatial, and textual importance of this monument, it must be analysed alongside the celebrated Delhi-Topra Pillar, which was relocated during the same Tughlaq-era campaign.
A close structural and context-driven evaluation reveals clear points of comparison between these two imperial monoliths across four main analytical areas:
Spatial and Geographic Profile: The Delhi-Meerut Pillar was originally erected in the urban landscape of Meerut (Uttar Pradesh) before its relocation to the Delhi Ridge near the modern Hindu Rao Hospital. In contrast, the Delhi-Topra Pillar was originally positioned further northwest at Topra Kalan in the Yamuna Nagar district of Haryana, and was subsequently moved to the high citadel fortress of Firoz Shah Kotla in Delhi, where it remains the central structural focal point of the monument complex.
Structural Dimensions and Preservation: The Meerut monument stands at an approximate height of 32 to 33 feet but exhibits heavy fragmentation; an explosion in the fortress during the reign of Mughal Emperor Farrukhsiyar (1713–1719) shattered the monolithic shaft into five distinct pieces, requiring British military engineers to reassemble and re-erect the segments in 1887. Conversely, the Topra Pillar stands at a far more imposing height of 42 feet 7 inches, surviving centuries as a completely intact monolith without cracking. It was treated as a prize piece by Firoz Shah Tughlaq, who dubbed it the Minar-i-Zarin, or the Golden Pillar.
Epigraphical and Textual Content: The Delhi-Meerut shaft preserves fragmented segments of Major Pillar Edicts I through VI, with significant textual blocks missing or obscured due to the 18th-century blast damage. The Topra Column stands as the most critical epigraphic record of the Mauryan empire because it is the only Ashokan pillar in the world to preserve Major Pillar Edict VII, which runs around its entire lower base and serves as an autobiographical summary of Ashoka's socio-religious achievements.
Shared Technical Features: Despite differences in preservation and scale, both pillars display identical production methods. Both were carved from single, solid blocks of pinkish-buff sandstone quarried from the imperial workshops of Chunar near Varanasi. Both exhibit the characteristic, glass-like Mauryan polish that reflects light so strongly it mimics a metallic surface. Additionally, both records utilize the early Brahmi script to transcribe the vernacular Prakrit language of the state administration.
3.3 Ideological Mapping: A Two-Tier Policy
The uniform script and messaging highlight a highly organized, top-down administrative effort to establish a universal socio-moral order. However, Ashoka's edicts reveal a sophisticated distinction between public administration and personal faith. A linguistic and textual comparison across the regional epigraphic corpus reveals this two-tier structure clearly.
For the general public, as seen on the Meerut and Topra Pillars, the message focused on an inclusive, non-sectarian ethical code emphasizing social harmony, compassion, and civic duties. A similar public message was carved onto regional public rocks, such as the Kalsi Rock Edicts. However, the Kalsi recension exhibits distinct north-western linguistic adaptations, including specific phonetic variations in sibilants and consonants, showing that the imperial scribes adapted the text to suit regional dialects while maintaining identical ethical commands.
The explicit character of this public state policy is preserve-mapped through the official translation of Major Pillar Edict VII by E. Hultzsch (published in Inscriptions of Asoka, Oxford, 1925). The text demonstrates how the state deployed its administrative machinery to propagate generalized ethics rather than a rigid sectarian dogma:
Thus saith His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King: "The kings who ruled in the past desired that the people might grow with the growth of Dhamma (the Law of Piety). But the people did not grow with an adequate growth of Dhamma. Concerning this, His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King saith: 'This thought occurred to me. In the past, kings desired that the people might grow with an adequate growth of Dhamma, but the people did not grow with an adequate growth of Dhamma. By what means, then, can the people be induced to conform? By what means can the people grow with an adequate growth of Dhamma? By what means can I elevate some of them by the growth of Dhamma?'
Concerning this, His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King saith: 'This thought occurred to me. I will cause proclamations of Dhamma to be proclaimed, and I will order instructions in Dhamma to be given. Hearing this, the people will conform, will elevate themselves, and will grow strongly with the growth of Dhamma.'
For this purpose, proclamations of Dhamma were caused to be proclaimed, and various instructions in Dhamma were ordered to be given. My officers also, who are occupied with many people, will preach and expand those instructions. The Rajukas also are occupied with many hundreds of thousands of lives; they also have been ordered: 'Thus and thus instruct the people devoted to Dhamma.' His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King saith: 'Having this same purpose in view, I have set up pillars of Dhamma, appointed Dhamma-Mahamatras (Inspectors of the Law of Piety), and ordered proclamations of Dhamma.'
His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King saith: 'On the roads banyan-trees were caused to be planted by me, in order that they might afford shade to cattle and men. Mango-groves were caused to be planted. And wells were caused to be dug by me at intervals of each half Kosa, and resting-places were caused to be built. Numerous watering-places were caused to be made by me here and there for the enjoyment of cattle and men. But this enjoyment is a small matter. For with various comforts both past kings and myself have benefited the world. But this has been done by me for the following purpose: that they might conform to the practices of Dhamma.'
His Sacred and Gracious Majesty the King saith: 'My Dhamma-Mahamatras too are employed on many kinds of beneficial objects, and they are occupied also among all sects, both ascetics and householders. I have arranged that they should be occupied with the affairs of the Buddhist Sangha; likewise, I have arranged that they should be occupied with the Brahmins and Ajivikas; likewise, I have arranged that they should be occupied with the Nigantha (Jains); likewise, I have arranged that they should be occupied with all the various sects. Individual Mahamatras are occupied with these or those specific groups, but my Dhamma-Mahamatras are occupied with all these sects, as well as with all other religious communities.'"
The King continues to detail the promotion of Dhamma, emphasizing the distribution of alms by officials to support moral growth, including compassion and respect for elders. This expansive administrative decree illustrates that while the state erected massive public infrastructure to mandate general ethics and multi-sectarian harmony, target-specific sectarian patronage was reserved for the Buddhist Sangha directly.
This is exemplified by the Bairat Minor Rock Edict in Rajasthan. Written in an Eastern Magadhi Prakrit variant, the Bairat inscription departs entirely from the generalized ethical messaging of the pillars, containing an explicit profession of Ashoka's personal faith in the Triratna (Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha) and recommending specific scriptural texts for monastic study. This structural division demonstrates that Ashoka separated his public, state-administered ethical framework from his private religious affiliations and direct patronage of the Buddhist Sangha.
CHAPTER 4: REGIONAL TOPOGRAPHY
To fully comprehend the structural reality of the Buddhist corridor across the Ganga-Yamuna Doab, it is essential to look beyond primary epicentres and analyse the fragmented antiquarian and epigraphic footprints preserved in surrounding regional urban nodes. By critically re-evaluating late 19th-century colonial surveys alongside contemporary archaeological frameworks, we can reconstruct a vibrant network of material culture spanning from the Mauryan period to the 7th-century Vardhana era.
4.1 Aligarh and Hathras (Koil / Kol and Lakhanu)
The ancient settlement of Koil (historically recorded as Kol or Koi) in the southern reaches of the Upper Doab presents a stratified history of religious transition. Local memory traditionally linked the site to the post-flood migration of the Kuru dynasty following the destruction of Hastinapur—a narrative often conflated with Kaushambi, though geographical realities anchor Kaushambi further south along the Yamuna in the Allahabad district. Material exploration at Kol, particularly on the prominent central eminence known as the Bala Qila, has yielded highly critical antiquarian data. Excavations at this high mound uncovered significant early historic remains, including distinct anthropomorphic statues of the Buddha alongside Hindu footprints.
This material layer extends to surrounding satellite sites like Lakhanu (Lakhno), located six miles southeast of Hathras, where prominent mounds (Tila) have surrendered ancient Buddhist sculptures. A short distance to the east, the extensive mound of Gohlina Khera presents explicit evidence of an institutional Buddhist establishment (vihara), confirmed by the retrieval of fragmented stone Buddhist icons by early explorers like A.C.L. Carlleyle. These discoveries collectively map the Aligarh-Hathras zone as an essential commercial and devotional node that welcomed early historic Buddhist monasticism as it extended northward from Mathura.
4.2 Bulandshahar (Baran)
Situated directly between Meerut and Aligarh, the ancient settlement of Baran (modern Bulandshahar) offers compelling structural proof of sustained Buddhist occupation during the middle and late historical periods (c. 400–800 CE). Antiquarian salvage operations conducted by F.S. Growse recovered extensive architectural and ritual components diagnostic of sectarian Buddhist architecture. Key diagnostic finds include plain stone crossbars (Stambh) and railings uniquely associated with the architectural layout of stupa balustrades, numerous terracotta miniature flasks traditionally serving as structural finials (Stupika) for votive miniature stupas, and quantities of classical large, well-burnt bricks conforming to standard ancient modular dimensions.
Crucially, the chronological continuity of Buddhism in Baran is anchored by two epigraphic artifacts: a stone statue of the Buddha fashioned from dark trap rock inscribed with the universal Buddhist creed-formula (Ye Dhamma Hetu Prabhava) written in early medieval Brahmi scripts of the 9th century CE, and a stylized terracotta seal displaying late Gupta epigraphy from the 5th century CE. This evidence establishes that Baran was not merely a passive stopover but hosted a continuously active, literate, and structurally permanent monastic community bridging the Gupta and post-Gupta eras.
4.3 Dehradun (Kalsi and Lakha Mandal)
The northernmost boundary of this cultural corridor terminates where the plains meet the sub-Himalayan hills at Kalsi. Located strategically at the confluence of the Yamuna and Tons rivers, Kalsi represents a crucial checkpoint in the Mauryan geopolitical framework. The site is defined by a monumental quartz boulder inscribed with the complete set of Ashoka's 14 Major Rock Edicts. The physical layout of the boulder demonstrates deliberate imperial planning: the smoothed south-southeast face contains the bulk of the texts, while the remaining script wraps around the left face. On the right flank, a majestic elephant is rendered in a clean profile outline, underscored by the Brahmi label Gajatme ("the supreme elephant"). Discovered under layers of moss by John Forrest in 1860, the Kalsi recension remains one of the most textually intact examples of Ashoka's epigraphic campaign, famously preserving the names of five contemporary Hellenistic monarchs in the 13th Rock Edict, which firmly dates the inscription and proves the global reach of Mauryan diplomacy.
Further into the hills along the upper Yamuna, 25 miles northeast of Kalsi, lies the complex of Lakha Mandal. This site preserves a dense collection of older architectural fragments, stone sculptures, and structural shrines. The primary epigraphic record here consists of two undated Sanskrit inscriptions roughly assigned to the turn of the 7th century (c. 600 CE). The most pristine of these inscriptions records the foundation of a local temple by Princess Isvara. The text provides a fascinating royal genealogy (vamsavali) spanning eleven generations of the dynasty of Singhapura, tracing the succession from Senavarman, Dattavarman, Pradiptavarman, Isvaravarman, and Yuddhavarman, through Singhavarman, Jalavarman, Yajnavarman, and Achalavarman, down to his sons Divakaravarman and Bhaskara. Princess Isvara, the daughter of Kapilavardhana and widow of King Bhaskar of Singhapura, directly connects this regional dynasty to the travelogues of Xuanzang, who documented the political status of Singhapura in the 7th century. This epigraphic link highlights how deeply intertwined the remote sub-Himalayan tracts were with the broader political and religious matrix of Harsha's northern India.
4.4 Meerut (Mayarashtra / Mahirashtra)
The ancient cultural position of Meerut is reflected in a variety of local legends that assign it names such as Mayarashtra and Mahirashtra, traditionally connected to the mythical architect Maya or Mahi. These narrative designations centre heavily on the foundational, heavily fortified inner city mound known locally as Andar-Kot. This high citadel mound preserves a deep, unexcavated stratigraphic record of early historic urbanization, acting as the urban nucleus of ancient Meerut.
The premier archaeological and epigraphic marker for the city remains the celebrated Ashokan Pillar. Originally erected along an ancient highway in Meerut, this column was systematically dismantled and moved northwest to Delhi in the 14th century under the orders of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, who installed it at his Kushk-e-Shikar (hunting palace) on the northern ridge. Smaller in scale than the Topra column, the Meerut shaft has an upper diameter of 29.6 inches and a lower base diameter of 38 inches. It suffered extensive fracturing due to an accidental gunpowder explosion during the reign of the Mughal emperor Farrukhsiyar, but its surviving segments were successfully reassembled and stabilized in 1867. The extant text contains fragmented versions of Pillar Edicts I through VI, originally analysed by James Prinsep. While the total absence of Meerut's name in the diaries of Faxian and Xuanzang points toward an urban or monastic contraction during the mid-1st millennium CE, the physical presence of this massive imperial monolith proves beyond doubt that Mauryan Meerut stood as a vital administrative, fiscal, and cultural core in the early development of the Doab corridor.
4.5 Saharanpur and Hapur (Behat and Regional Mounds)
The northern plains sector of the corridor is anchored by the key archaeological site of Bahat (Behat), located near the Eastern Yamuna Canal in Saharanpur. In 1834, Captain Proby Cautley discovered an ancient buried town-site sealed beneath nearly 17 feet of alluvial deposit and roughly 26 feet below the level of the modern town. The stratigraphic excavations at Behat yielded substantial quantities of early historic material culture, highlighted by numerous Kushan and Indo-Scythian copper coins bearing bilingual Greek and Kharosthi inscriptions. Alongside these coins, the discovery of distinct early historical pottery styles, terracotta tokens, and Buddhist votive objects firmly established Behat as an active Buddhist commercial and monastic settlement flourishing under Kushan hegemony.
Moving southward towards the central core of the Doab, the region of Hapur similarly exhibits signs of early historic occupation. A series of unexcavated mounds and structural brick fragments corresponding to the Kushan-Gupta transitional metric styles indicate that the area between Meerut and Bulandshahar formed a continuous chain of rural and semi-urban settlements. These secondary hubs, like Behat and the Hapur mounds, demonstrate that the Uttarapatha trade route was supported by sub-alluvial urban centres that provided continuous material and financial lifelines to the monastic networks of the region.
4.6 Hardwar (Mayapur)
While Haridwar historically evolved into a premier centre of Brahmanical pilgrimage, structural fragments from its older urban layers indicate a religiously diverse past. In his early explorations of the ruined mounds around Mayapur and the upper ghats, Alexander Cunningham identified distinct, albeit damaged, Buddhist iconography among the scattered sculptures. This historical presence is validated by the 7th-century travelogues of the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, who visited the site, recording it under the name Mo-yu-lo (Mayapur). Xuanzang observed that while the city was heavily dominated by non-Buddhist sects, there still remained structural remnants of a Buddhist monastery and an associated stupa near the riverbank. Among the artifacts recovered during early antiquarian surveys was a small carved stone image of the Buddha seated in meditation, flanked by smaller attendant figures depicted in attitudes of ascetic devotion. This discovery shows that early historic Haridwar participated in the shared religious landscape of the Upper Doab, serving as a critical riverine station where ascetics and traders moving between the plains and the Himalayan tracts could interact.
4.7 Khizrabad and Yamuna Nagar (Topra Monolith and Chaneti Stupa)
The northwest gateway of the Doab corridor was defined by the original location of the famous Minar-i-Zarin ("Golden Pillar") of Firoz Shah Tughlaq. This column originally stood at Topra Kalan, situated near the foot of the hills in the Ambala division, within close proximity to Khizrabad and Paonta on the western bank of the Yamuna in modern Yamuna Nagar district.
As illustrated above, the monument consists of a single monolithic shaft of pale pinkish-buff sandstone measuring 42 feet 7 inches in length, featuring a brilliant, mirror-like Maurya polish over its upper 35 feet. Weighing upwards of 27 tons, it exhibits a rapid architectural taper, diminishing from a base diameter of 38.8 inches to an upper diameter of 25.3 inches. This pillar is internationally significant because it serves as the ultimate canvas for Ashoka's epigraphic vision, bearing the complete sequence of Pillar Edicts I through VII. The final edict, Edict VII, runs entirely around the lower circumference of the column and is completely unique to this specific pillar.
The palaeography shares distinct stylistic and linguistic links with the Kalsi Rock Edict, proving a localized administrative and scribal school operated across the upper Yamuna sector. The regional continuity of this Mauryan infrastructure is further solidified by the Chaneti Stupa, located nearby in Yamuna Nagar. This structure stands as a rare, surviving hemispherical brick monument dating back to the 3rd century BCE, demonstrating direct physical and architectural execution of Buddhist monumental building. The presence of these monumental texts and structures, combined with minor pilgrim graffiti spanning the first centuries of the Common Era, confirms that the Topra-Khizrabad-Yamuna Nagar zone acted as a massive, permanent ideological and spiritual gateway connecting the Upper Doab with the Punjab and the north-western frontier.
4.8 Ahichchhatra (Ram Nagar)
Ahichchhatra, the ancient capital of Northern Panchal located near modern Ram Nagar, offers the most extensive and uninterrupted sequence of Buddhist monumental architecture within the wider corridor landscape. The premier Buddhist structure here is a massive, irregular stupa mound situated nearly a mile west of the main citadel complex. Local folklore turned the unique, dome-like silhouette of the exposed brickwork into terms like Chhatra (the umbrella) or Pisanhari-ka-Chhattar.
The core architecture of the monument measures 30 feet in diameter and rises 40 feet above the surrounding agricultural fields. Successive structural expansions enlarged the monument’s dimensions first to a diameter of 50 feet and a height of 67 feet, and ultimately to a terraced base measuring 76 feet by 77 feet. Alexander Cunningham’s structural analysis identified this monument as the primary stupa built under the patronage of Ashoka around 250 BCE, a proposal heavily supported by its architectural and formal similarities to the early topes at Sanchi and Bhilsa. The later structural encasements and terraced brick platform expansions, carried out between the 4th and 6th centuries CE (the Kushan-Gupta transition), confirm that Ahichchhatra remained a thriving centre of monastic devotion and pilgrimage, sustaining its institutional vitality long after the Mauryan state framework had dissolved.
CHAPTER 5: FROM KUSHAN PATRONAGE TO HARSHA’S REVIVAL
Following the decline of the Mauryan Empire, the Buddhist landscape of the Upper Doab did not vanish but transformed, adapting to new political patrons and evolving artistic and religious currents.
5.1 The Kushan Era (c. 1st–3rd Centuries CE)
The Kushan Empire, with its twin capitals at Purushapura (Peshawar) and Mathura, created a politically unified zone stretching from Central Asia into the heart of the Gangetic plain.
Economic Integration: This period was marked by unprecedented long-distance trade, facilitated by a unified currency system of gold and copper coins. The Meerut region, lying directly on the routes connecting Mathura to the northwest, was a prime beneficiary of this stability, as evidenced by the discovery of Kushan copper coins across the district.
Artistic Cross-Pollination: Mathura emerged as a premier artistic centre, giving birth to iconic anthropomorphic images of the Buddha. While no major Kushan-era monastic complex has been fully excavated within Meerut's modern city limits, the strong stylistic and religious influence of the Mathura school of art permeated the region, shaping local devotional image worship and establishing secondary shrines along the commercial corridors.
5.2 The Gupta Period (c. 4th–6th Centuries CE)
The Gupta Empire is often characterized by a "Brahmanical revival," but this did not equate to the disappearance of Buddhism; rather, it was a period of peaceful religious coexistence. Material evidence from the Meerut district—such as Gupta-period terracotta figurines and structural remains utilizing standard Gupta bricks—indicates continued settlement and regional economic activity.
The survival of regional Buddhist sites is attested by the Chinese pilgrim Faxian (c. 400 CE), who noted the flourishing state of Buddhism at nearby Sankisa and along the broader Gangetic plain. While royal Gupta patronage heavily favoured Brahmanical institutions, Buddhism continued to thrive under the support of wealthy merchants, commercial guilds, and local elites. These non-royal networks maintained the structural and institutional vitality of the monasteries, navigating a shifting socio-political landscape by rebranding their devotional formats.
5.3 The Age of Harsha (606–647 CE)
The reign of Harsha marks the last major phase of royal Buddhist patronage in ancient North India, providing a grand administrative revival for the institutions of the faith. After unifying the competing polities of northern India under the banner of the Vardhana dynasty, Harsha shifted his imperial capital from Thanesar to Kannauj, placing the Upper Ganga-Yamuna Doab at the core of his administrative and spiritual vision.
The political geography of this era is vividly illuminated by the records of Xuanzang, who travelled extensively through the corridor under Harsha's direct protection. Xuan Zang's accounts reveal that Harsha systematically restored declining monastic properties, constructed numerous votive stupas along the banks of the Ganga and Yamuna, and organized grand quinquennial assemblies to distribute royal wealth to both the Sangha and other heterodox communities.
The climax of this revival was demonstrated at the Kannauj Assembly (c. 643 CE), where Harsha showcased the philosophical dominance of Mahayana Buddhism before a massive gathering of regional kings, thousands of monks, and Vedic scholars. Under Harsha’s stewardship, the Upper Doab corridor experienced a brief but intense renaissance, functioning not merely as a passive transit route but as a highly protected, secure space for global pilgrimage, textual translation, and cross-continental monastic interaction. His death in 647 CE brought a close to this era of consolidated state patronage, causing the corridor's grand monastic establishments to gradually decentralize into localized, community-supported shrines, yet preserving the enduring spiritual legacy that had been permanently etched into the landscape since the days of Ashoka.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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